Radio launched new era of political persuasion
By Martin Shaffer
For the Poughkeepsie Journal
Journalist Bob Woodward suggests in his book, ‘‘Shadow,’’ that our
recent presidents operate in the shadow of Watergate, yet a longer
shadow has been cast by the emergence of the public relations presidency.
Public relations are a crucial element of presidential politics
today, and two former New Yorkers were instrumental in leading the
way toward the “public” presidency.
Theodore Roosevelt used the “bully pulpit” to enhance
his image and, to some extent, promote his policies. Roosevelt’s
Square Deal was the first time a president used a label to focus
attention on his policy agenda. In his day, the primary means of
public persuasion were the whistle stop tour and newspapers.
By Franklin Roosevelt’s time radio became the prime medium for
reaching the public. During the 1932 campaign, FDR utilized his
strong voice in well-rehearsed radio speeches that were meant to
convey warmth, personality and nonpartisanship.
While it is well known that FDR continued his tradition of radio
broadcasts during his presidency in the form of “fireside chats,”
it is less known that he used this strategy on the advice of his
pollster. The confident leader that FDR embodies in the collective
mind of the American public was cultivated by his skillful use of
the radio and public appearances. In using the public relations
aspect of the presidency so adeptly FDR accelerated the merging
of campaigning and governing which lies at the base of the modern
presidency.
By the 1960s the public relations presidency came into full view
with the growth of television. In the last 40 years an increasing
number of people get most of their political information from television.
Media advisers help plans
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Franklin D. Roosevelt Library
President Roosevelt gives a "fireside chat"
from his home in Hyde Park in 1938. |
Finally, FDR’s legacy includes high public expectations concerning
the president’s role as the preeminent national leader and driver
of the policy process. These three trends have necessitated an increased
use of the “going public” model of persuasion in which the president
uses the media to promote himself and his policies as a companion
to the traditional bargaining model of leadership.
In this environment, strategic use of media events and carefully
chosen words and phrases are a daily focus at the White House.
President Reagan’s staff thoroughly discussed what the potential
headlines might be from a media event, and if a positive story was
not assured the event was simply taken off the schedule.
During the 1992 campaign the Clinton and Gore families embarked
on a cross-country bus tour to convey youthfulness.
President Carter’s unfortunate attack on a beaver with a
canoe paddle only served to reinforce the image of an ineffectual
presidency. Reports of President Bush’s amazement at the existence
of grocery scanners and President Clinton’s $200 haircut on
a Los Angeles runway were events that did not help cultivate favorable
support. The media is a double-edged sword for any presidency.
A central component of today’s public relations presidency
is the careful selection of poll-tested words and phrases.
President Reagan used the phrase the “wonder and glory of
human freedom” in many of his speeches because his pollsters
learned in focus groups that those words elicited a favorable reaction.
During the defense spending debates in the early 1980s Reagan’s
reference to the B-1 bomber as a “peace keeper” helped
to create the image that weapons could best be “used”
by simply being there.
Clinton talks of ‘investments’
President Clinton is careful in our age of fiscal restraint to
refer to new spending as “investments” in order to focus
our attention on the positive side of government programs.
In 1994 in response to polling data Clinton changed the emphasis
in his health care speeches from employer mandates and purchasing
alliances to guaranteed private insurance and real insurance reform.
A preoccupation with media strategy and polling are not just a
presidential phenomena, since the language in the Contract with
America — the 1994 House Republican’s platform —
was drawn from polling data and focus groups.
Martin Shaffer is assistant professor of political science
at Marist College in Poughkeepsie.
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